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Improving On No Child Left Behind: Getting Education Reform Back on Track
Richard D. Kahlenberg, Century Foundation Press, 10/15/2008
America's Untapped Resource
Richard D. Kahlenberg, Century Foundation Press, 1/14/2004
Public School Choice vs. Private School Vouchers
Richard D. Kahlenberg, Century Foundation Press, 9/24/2003
Can Separate Be Equal? The Overlooked Flaw at the Center of No Child Left Behind
Richard D. Kahlenberg, The Century Foundation, 4/23/2004
Divided We Fail: Coming Together through Public School Choice
The Century Foundation, Century Foundation Press, 9/18/2002
All Together Now
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A Notion at Risk
Richard D. Kahlenberg, Century Foundation Press, 9/15/2000
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A Response to Richard Lamm
Richard D. Kahlenberg, The Piton Foundation, 11/1/2002

Governor Richard Lamm has provided important insights and leadership on a range of public policy issues over the years but his criticism of The Piton Foundation's proposal for economic school integration is off the mark in several respects. I take each of his objections in turn.

I. Politics

Governor Lamm suggests the proposal for economic school integration may not be politically viable because it represents "busing all over again." But advocates of integration have learned a great deal since the busing controversies of the 1970s. The primary insight is that parents must be given a say in the matter of where their children attend school. The current system of neighborhood school assignment gives no say to poor parents (who can't afford to move) just as surely as involuntary busing did. Instead, most advocates of economic integration propose a form of managed public school choice to achieve their goals.

In systems employed in Cambridge, Massachusetts and many other jurisdictions throughout the country, every school becomes a magnet school, with something attractive to offer to particular parents. A small school may be just what a parent with a shy child would like. Another family might prefer a school that uses a Core Knowledge curriculum, while another likes the Montessori teaching approach, and yet another wants a French immersion school. Parents within a given geographic region rank their preferences, and then school officials honor those choices with an eye to ensuring a strong middle class presence in every school. The key is to give at least some parents an incentive to want to have their children attend a public school beyond the one in their (economically segregated) neighborhood-a quality program at the end of the bus ride. A 1998 Public Agenda poll found that while 76% of white parents oppose involuntary busing, 61% support a system of managed choice, where the district honors parental preferences with an eye to integration. Governor Lamm himself has recognized the appeal of public school choice in a nation where "we can choose among 100 breakfast cereals, 200 makes of automobiles, 300 different religious denominations."

Some say the "economic integration" will never happen. But the number of students attending economically integrated schools has jumped from about 20,000 in 1999 to more than 400,000 today. Others say public school choice will never take place across school district lines. But 300,000 students attend public schools of choice across such lines every school day. By contrast, publicly funded private school voucher programs, which dominate much of the debate over education today, educate just 14,000 students nationally.

II. K-12 is "Too Late"

Governor Lamm argues that reforming schools isn't likely to help much because by the time a student enters kindergarten "the impressionable gelatin of a child's mind has mostly hardened to cement." This would be surprising news indeed to all the parents who search hard for a good school for their children, for all the elementary and secondary teachers who devote their lives to shaping minds, and to all the researchers who find enormous effects depending on what school a student attends.

Of course, preschool matters a great deal, and we should do much more to improve it. But even here, The Piton Foundation's emphasis on economic integration is relevant. Recent research in West Hartford, Connecticut found that low income students in economically integrated preschools gained vocabulary at six times the rate of low income students in economically segregated preschools.

III. Kansas City, Missouri Results

Governor Lamm cites Kansas City as an example of the failure of busing and the success of neighborhood schools. In the research literature, however, Kansas City is universally cited as an example of the failure of extraordinary spending by itself to boost achievement in part because officials put no structure in place to ensure that the spending would actually produce integrated schools. By contrast, in St. Louis, a public school choice program which allows roughly 14,000 urban students to attend suburban schools has shown high levels of success. In the late 1990s, the business community in St. Louis formed an alliance with suburban Republican legislators and civil rights groups to maintain state funding for the program.

There is overwhelming evidence that all children perform better in middle class schools. The Century Foundation's Task Force on the Common School, led by Governor Lowell Weicker and consisting of scholars, teachers, business leaders and others, recently concluded that economic school integration isn't just another reform option; "Of all the various strategies available, research suggests that the best method of improving education in the United States is to eliminate the harmful effects of concentrated school poverty." To cite one statistic, the Department of Education reported this year that looking at 4th grade math scores on the 2000 National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP), low income children in middle class schools performed higher than middle class children in high poverty schools. To cite another, in Wake County (Raleigh), North Carolina, schools are economically integrated and 90% of students achieve at or above grade level.

IV. Schools not a Tool for Reform

Governor Lamm laments that many of the strategies tried over the past many years-including Head Start and Title I compensatory spending-have had little effect. The economic school integration movement fully recognizes those failures and asks, why doesn't extra spending do more? The answer is that per pupil expenditure only represents one element of what makes a school strong. The other ingredients of a good school include efficient spending; an orderly environment; a stable teacher and student population; a good principal and well qualified teachers trained in the subjects they are teaching; a meaty curriculum and high expectations; active parental involvement; motivated peers who value achievement and encourage it among classmates; high achieving peers, whose knowledge is shared informally with classmates all day long; and well connected peers who will help provide access to jobs down the line. As outlined in an earlier article, middle class schools do a much better job of providing all ten of these ingredients. Parents know this, which is why those who have options find good, middle class public schools for their children. (Even Laurence Steinberg, whom Lamm cites, notes that "For a large number of adolescents, peers-not parents-are the chief determinants of how intensely they are invested in school and how much effort they devote to their education.")

Governor Lamm adds racial integration to the list of failures-alongside compensatory spending-but here he is only half right. Racial integration programs sometimes improved achievement (in places like Charlotte Mecklenburg, North Carolina) and sometimes didn't improve achievement (in places like Boston). As a general rule, racial integration worked when it involved economic mixing, and didn't when it involved mixing low income whites with low income minority students. That's why a growing number of communities are now honing in directly on the factor that matters most: economic integration.

V. An Alternative: School Vouchers

Governor Lamm concludes by suggesting an alternative proposal-Robert Reich's plan for school vouchers generously funded for low income students. A plan to include private schools would undercut the role of public schools in fostering social cohesion amidst racial and religious and economic diversity, but if limited to the public school system, and properly funded, such a plan would serve the goal of economic school integration and would represent a genuinely innovative and constructive move. Separate schools for rich and poor, even when adequately funded, are unequal. In a middle class country, we should find ways to give every child the chance to attend a good middle class public school.

Richard D. Kahlenberg is a senior fellow at The Century Foundation. This article originally appeared in the November 2002 issue of The Term Paper.

 
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